See also GOP Wouldn't Challenge Black Voter Fraud in 2008—Why Would It Challenge Trayvon Martin Lynch Mob Now? By Paul Kersey
A recent academic study suggests that as many as three million non-citizens may vote in next week’s election. But why are Republicans so afraid to challenge this and other obvious voter fraud in nonwhite neighborhoods, even when it costs them elections? Beyond simple cowardice, there is a legal rationale and a history behind the Stupid Party’s habitual incompetence. That history began in 1981 in New Jersey with The Ballot Security Task Force.
Tom Kean was running for Governor and I was a small cog in his campaign. Kean was and is a liberal Republican with a much-touted soft spot in his heart for black Americans. He was also a hands-off kind of candidate, rarely visiting headquarters. Still, he was the recipient of help from the Republican National Committee—and those RNC people of 1981 reflected the less liberal, more activist spirit of the Reagan years.
A leading concern of the campaign was how to prevent New Jersey’s deeply corrupt urban political machines from simply stealing the election. The solution was what we called the Ballot Security Task Force, which I was a part of.
The way we identified fraud was by creating mailing lists based off of voter rolls with dubious voting patterns, to which we then mailed postcards. When many of the postcards were predictably returned as undeliverable, we went to the addresses. We often found simply empty lots or warehouses.
Now that we had proof of fraud, we needed a mechanism to forestall these ghost voters from flooding the polls with their bogus ballots. We recruited a group of off-duty cops to put up signs stating;
This area is being patrolled by the National Ballot Security Taskforce.
It is a crime to falsify a ballot or to violate election laws.
We also had our team wearing armbands identifying them as part of the taskforce. They did nothing but stand around looking conscientious.
This was enough for many urban voters to decide to stay away from the polls. If it meant crossing paths with the police, they preferred to stay home rather than vote. Care to guess why?
Tom Kean was elected Governor by less than 1800 votes. If the Democratic machines of Newark, Paterson, etc. hadn’t been stymied by our efforts, Kean would never have become Governor.
But that’s not the end of the story. The Democratic National Committee was outraged at losing what they thought was a safe state [Jersey Controversy Widens Over G.O.P. Patrols At Polls, By Richard J. Meislin, New York Times, November 7, 1981]. So they filed suit, charging the RNC and the state Republican Committee with “illegal harassment and voter intimidation.”
Incredibly, the GOP quickly surrendered. The RNC signed a consent decree promising not to make minority voters aware that illegal voting is in fact illegal. The decree mandated that the GOP
e. Refrain from undertaking any ballot security activities in polling places or election districts where the racial or ethnic composition of such districts is a factor in the decision to conduct, or the actual conduct of such activities there and where a purpose of significant effect of such activities is to deter qualified voters from voting; and the conduct of such activities disproportionately in or directed toward districts that have a substantial proportion of racial or ethnic populations shall be considered relevant evidence of the existence of such a factor and purpose;….
Democratic National Committee v Republican National Committee
Case No. 09-4615 (C.A. 3, Mar. 8, 2012)
This clause essentially prohibits the GOP from taking steps to secure the vote wherever minorities predominate. Thus, the Republican Party disarmed itself and it remains disarmed today.
As a result, Democrats can essentially manufacture votes in the ghettos and barrios they control. Furthermore, the Democrats signed no such agreement and are therefore free to challenge Republican voting districts.
The judge in the 1982 case was Carter appointee Dickinson Debevoise, who continues to control the case even after retirement. And not only have appeals failed to lift the order, the requirements have actually been tightened:
In a 2008 Lawsuit the definition of ballot security efforts was clarified as “a program aimed to combat voter fraud by preventing voters from registering or vote or casting a ballot; and upheld the consent decree but agreed to add Dec. 1, 2017 as the expiration date.
[RNC Can’t Fight Voter Fraud Until 2017 After It’s Too Late,by Sara Noble, Independent Sentinel, February 11, 2014]
The Republican Party unilaterally disarmed in 1982 in the face of voter fraud by nonwhite minorities and illegal aliens. It will remain impotent for the 2016 presidential election. And any attempt to stop even obvious fraud on the street is contempt of court. It is now a crime to tell potential felons that voter fraud is a crime.
This fits with the Democratic position that reminding blacks not to commit fraud is itself an act of discrimination. A sign over my polling station warning against fraud would hardly cause me to flee in terror. However, as the Good Book says, “The guilty flee when no man pursueth.” A uniformed policeman is always present at my actual polling station. If I decline to appear because I have an outstanding warrant, are my rights truly being violated? Do I have a right not to be arrested while voting?
If I’m black, perhaps I do.
I don’t know all the legal particulars of this surrender. Maybe it was stupidity, or simple cowardice. I do recall that Governor Kean expressed deep embarrassment over the manner in which people like me got him elected. As is typical with liberal Republicans, he was happy to disavow anything smacking of hardball politics touching on minorities. That said, his contrition did not extend to resigning from his post.
Like George Herbert Walker Bush, Kean didn’t mind racial close combat, so long as he could pretend to rise above such tactics once safely in office. Willie Horton came in handy for Bush Sr., but he avoided doing anything substantial to combat anti-white racial preferences or stop mass immigration once safely elected. That was why the Establishment GOP had to rally to defend him from the insurgent campaign of Pat Buchanan.
Another liberal Republican and New Jersey Governor, Christine Todd Whitman, played the same game. Her campaign paid off the Black Ministers Council to suppress black turnout. [Officials probe N.J. campaign Boast that votes were suppressed puts adviser Rollins in the hot seat, by Jules Witcover, Baltimore Sun, November 13, 1993] But once in office she pandered to every minority group in the state.
The Republican Party is glad to utilize racially-conscious campaign tactics—but only to elect Establishment liberal Republicans. They have no interest in actually advancing the interests of their mostly white constituents, and any attempt by the historic American nation to secure its survival is viewed with embarrassment and scorn. White identity politics is ipso facto dirty politics according to Republicans, and given that reality, European-Americans can never rely on the GOP to advance their interests.
Besides, Republicans were willing to renounce their own electoral interests until 2016 in the name of political correctness—why would they ever defend ours?
Thomas O. Meehan (email him) is a free-lance writer and former government Senior Research Analyst and Inspector. A refugee from the People’s Republic of New Jersey, he now lives in Bucks County PA. He blogs from Odysseus On The Rocks.